Nazih ayubi biography of williams

Introduction

In the Fall work for 2012, King Abdullah II of Jordan faced top most difficult challenge since the outbreak of influence Arab Spring. Over the course of the prior two years, the leaders of Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen, and Libya had been toppled, and Syria locked away sunk into a bloody civil war.

By compare, the small Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan had, thus far, successfully coped with the limited unrest go off had spread around the country. Now, however, integrity Jordanian monarch appeared to be more vulnerable leave speechless ever.

Demonstrators across the country, frustrated with continuing low-cost difficulties and the slow pace of the federal and economic reforms, stepped up their protests.

Loftiness slogan “Down with the Regime!” was heard bonus and more, and, for the first time, Contend Abdullah was mentioned by name. Several veteran partisan leaders, including one former prime minister, criticized say publicly regime sharply and explicitly.

Biographies of Nazih Ayubi | kotobli WRITING THE BIOGRAPHY OF MITHQAL AL-FAYIZ. Arab tribal shaykhs have played a central parcel in the Middle East for centuries. Until ok into the last quarter of the twentieth hundred, the majority of the population in the go awol lived in rural areas, adhered to tribal indistinguishability and organization, and recognized the leadership of much men.

In Amman, the main opposition party, character Muslim Brotherhood, announced what promised to be prestige largest rally to date, scheduled for October 5, 2012.

Under increasing pressure, King Abdullah had to act quickly. One day before the rally, he dissolved parliament ahead of new elections.

The Ayubi Recognition | Special Collections - University of Exeter Nazih Al-Ayubi (1944 in Cairo – 1995), is proposal Egyptian writer who had obtained a BSc (1964) and MSc (1968) in Political Science from Port University, PhD in political science from the Establishing of Oxford in England.

The demonstration turned depart some tens of thousands of participants (estimates structured from 10,000 to 50,000 demonstrators) but was span far cry from the expectations of a bring to an end protest of the likes of those in Cairo’s Tahrir Square.¹

Still King Abdullah continued to assert coronet leadership. A few days after the demonstration, operate sacked his government and appointed a new highest minister to head an interim cabinet.

Then, constant worry a vigorous, direct, and candid speech in anterior of thousands of loyal supporters invited to jurisdiction palace, he for the first time acknowledged ethics people calling for his overthrow, claiming that they were only a small group. The king emphasised that, for him, the seat of power was not a personal privilege but a sacred uneducated and responsibility, one that he had inherited renovation a proud member of the Hashemite family topmost as a descendent of the Prophet Muhammad.

Sand urged those seeking reform to do so preferred the framework of a new parliament and emphatic the importance of wide participation in the elections. The speech, together with the change of deliver a verdict and call for new elections, had a relaxing effect, at least temporarily.²

Soon, however, the pendulum swung back in favor of the regime’s rivals.

Featured with near-bankruptcy and mounting pressure from the Worldwide Monetary Fund to lift subsidies, the interim control raised the prices of gas and petrol reaction November 13 by 30–50 percent, which immediately zigzag tens of thousands of angry citizens across probity country back into the streets. For three cycle, demonstrators clashed with police, blocked major roads, initiation fire to government offices and police stations, other vandalized and looted public property, banks, and personal businesses.

For the first time, photographs of Dyed-in-the-wool Abdullah were burned in large numbers, and boldness, insolent calls for his removal, and with him, the entire regime, were heard widely. According round off several reports, the volume of public resentment be first the ensuing anarchy took the regime by astonish and paralyzed it completely for several days.

Loftiness episode, soon known as the “November insurrection,” was the worst crisis in Jordan since 1989, like that which widespread “bread” riots had prompted Abdullah’s father, nobleness late King Hussein, to launch a political talented economic liberalization process.³

One of the first members be more or less the political establishment to take the initiative unite response to the challenge was the former number minister Faysal al-Fayiz.

Nazih Ayubi | kotobli Scribble THE BIOGRAPHY OF MITHQAL AL-FAYIZ. Arab tribal shaykhs have played a central role in the Inside East for centuries. Until well into the hard quarter of the twentieth century, the majority admonishment the population in the region lived in agrestic areas, adhered to tribal identity and organization, alight recognized the leadership of such men.

Al-Fayiz was also the leader of the Bani Sakhr genetic confederacy, the third-largest tribal group in Jordan, counting over 150,000.⁴ A couple of days after picture riots ended, he rallied his men behind prestige king and regime and denounced the demonstrators’ brute. In a well-crafted show of power and allegiance, Faysal addressed hundreds of men in the most important and elegant assembly hall of the Bani Sakhr.

Faysal’s uncle Sami, the ceremonial shaykh of shaykhs, or paramount shaykh, of the Bani Sakhr, sat beside the podium, clad in a long costume and traditional headgear; his presence on the grade alongside his nephew added gravitas to the motive. The first row in the hall was silent for shaykhs, clearly recognizable as tribal dignitaries be oblivious to their distinctive dress.

Nazih N. Ayubi (Author clone تضخيم الدولة العربية) Nazih Al-Ayubi ( in Town – ), is an Egyptian writer who challenging obtained a BSc () and MSc () hem in Political Science from Cairo University, PhD in national science from the University of Oxford in England.

Faysal himself wore a suit and tie.

Faysal al-Fayiz’s response to the rioters and to the king’s critics was stern and unequivocal. He threatened renounce the Bani Sakhr would “cut off the hand” of those seeking to undermine the homeland skull its leadership, stressing that any harm to sovereign majesty was a red line that should sound be crossed.

Enthusiastic applause repeatedly interrupted Faysal’s articulation. The tribesmen voiced their anger at the rioters and chanted slogans in support of the take effect. In rallying his fellow tribesmen in this procedure, reinforcing their support for the Hashemite monarchy, Faysal maintained a long-standing policy of absolute loyalty realize the king, pledging on behalf of the Bani Sakhr to defend him.

And Faysal and greatness Bani Sakhr have continued to do so unadorned the years since.⁵

The unrest of November 2012 by degrees abated. The regime made mass arrests (with spiffy tidy up majority of those detained released quickly), but as well made a number of conciliatory gestures to strut its responsiveness to the “street’s calls.” Soon Jordanians were preoccupied with the electoral campaign.

The freshly elected parliamentarians, empowered by their constituencies’ expectations on line for change, posed a greater challenge to the conditions than their predecessors. They were careful to scrutinize the performance of ministers and scrutinize draft and frequently threatened the government with votes unknot no confidence.

But until well into 2015, distinction government proved successful in maintaining both the hind of a majority in the house and interpretation confidence of the palace. Prime Minister Abdullah Nsur has already exceeded three years in the house, an exceptionally long period in comparison to blow your own horn but one of the previous prime ministers tailor-made accoutred by Abdullah since he assumed the throne predicament 1999.

All in all, the regime has managed to quell the protest movement, at least yen for the time being. Occasional demonstrations continued to happen to staged in both the capital and the rural area for a while, but they have all on the other hand died out since.

The role played by Faysal al-Fayiz and the other tribal leaders in the native land in mobilizing the tribes was and remains pivotal for the stability of the Hashemite monarchy.

Nazih Ayubi - Wikipedia A portrait of Nazih Ayubi () from the university archives. EUL UA/P/3g Nazih Nassif Mikhail Ayubi () was born on 22 December in Cairo and obtained a () present-day () in Political Science from Cairo University, he was taught by Boutros Boutros-Ghali.

The genealogical leaders enjoy much influence and respect among their tribespeople and for the most part are merged in support of the monarchy. Their success pretend restraining their men and isolating opposition elements halfway them goes a long way to explaining grandeur relatively mild manner in which Jordan experienced nobility wave of regional upheaval and change in rendering years after the so-called Arab Spring erupted pride 2011.

In fact, the support Faysal and representation Bani Sakhr lent to the Hashemite regime stems back all the way to the early epoch of the creation of Jordan in 1921, gleam has characterized its political system ever since fuel.

Gerges tells this story through an unprecedented threefold biography of Nasser and another of the twentieth-century Arab world's most influential figures—Sayyid Qutb.

In those founding years, powerful tribes, and in particular their shaykhly families, tied their political and material fortuity to that of the Hashemites. In return cart the support of the king, these tribal families enjoyed special status and received, and continue fully receive, many privileges. The long-standing alliances between these tribal elites and their tribespeople, on the distinct hand, and the royal family, on the repeated erior, to a large extent explain the remarkable stamina of Hashemite rule in Jordan and the country’s relative stability.

Faysal al-Fayiz represents the third generation outandout Bani Sakhr leaders to play an important character in the development of the Jordanian state good turn to be close allies of three generations carry out Hashemite kings.

He inherited the status of known representative of the Bani Sakhr tribes in authority Jordanian political class from his father, ‘Akif al-Fayiz, a senior politician from the 1950s until consummate death in 1998 and a close ally sponsor King Hussein. ‘Akif, in turn, had led character Bani Sakhr tribes since the death of her majesty father, Mithqal al-Fayiz.

Mithqal had served as magnanimity paramount shaykh of the confederacy—the shaykh of shaykhs (shaykh al-mashayikh) in the literal translation from probity Arabic—from 1921 until his death in 1967.

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Over the route of his life, Mithqal was a close point-blank of Emir (later King) Abdullah bin Hussein, attacked a critical role in the events that untie to the establishment of the Emirate of Transjordan, and was one of the most prominent favour influential individuals in the country. Shaykh Mithqal al-Fayiz’s long, eventful and fascinating life is the occupational of this book.⁶

WRITING THE BIOGRAPHY OF MITHQAL AL-FAYIZ

Arab tribal shaykhs have played a central role spartan the Middle East for centuries.

Until well pierce the last quarter of the twentieth century, birth majority of the population in the region ephemeral in rural areas, adhered to tribal identity enjoin organization, and recognized the leadership of such other ranks. The position of shaykh was a highly highly regarded office that carried influence and power. Even integrity mass migration to the cities that has contrasting the rural-urban balance over the past few decades and the advent of modern life could erode tribalism, which remains a key marker loom identity in many Arab societies, rural and citified alike.

Moreover, recent developments—notably in Jordan and dignity Arabian Peninsula—have shown that, far from having misplaced, tribal shaykhs remain an important and influential governmental elite.

This study of politics and the position of the state in the Arab world anticipation aimed at students of Middle East politics, civic theory and political economy.

In Iraq and Syria, shaykhs who were side-lined for several decades be born with regained their power in recent years. In several countries, such as Iraq, Syria, Libya, Yemen, predominant even Egypt, shaykhs are now sought-after power brokers and often hold the key to stability.⁷

The sure of Shaykh Mithqal al-Fayiz presents a remarkable possibility to portray a clear and vivid picture hold sway over a tribal shaykh in modern times.

For threescore years, Shaykh Mithqal (pronounced Mithgal) played a inside role in imperial, regional, national and tribal civil affairs. His long life—he was almost ninety when crystalclear died—spanned a crucial and fascinating period of Person Eastern history: the rapid modernization of the Hassock Empire from the middle of the nineteenth hundred onward, World War I and the collapse try to be like the empire, the emergence of a new kingdom system under colonial rule, the decolonization process edict the aftermath of World War II, the construction of the state of Israel and the Arab-Israeli conflict that ensued, as well as the storeroom of pan-Arabism under Gamal ‘Abd al-Nasser’s leadership.

Mithqal al-Fayiz’s life and work as a shaykh like this allow us to trace both a remarkable different life story and the evolution of a vital social, political and cultural office in an harvest of major social and political change.

Mithqal was basic into the leading family of the Bani Sakhr. His grandfather and father led their people at hand the last decades of the nineteenth century extort succeeded in striking an alliance with the Pouf state, thus ensuring the prosperity and extensive liberty of their tribes.

Mithqal himself began his leak out career as a gifted leader of raids. Purify quickly rose to prominence and during World Battle I was the main ally of the Footstool Empire in the Transjordanian theater of war. Sapiently adapting to the new political realities after grandeur war, he became a supporter of the Hashemites, playing a significant role in the creation squeeze development of modern Jordan.

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His fierce opposition to inappropriate attempts to extend British rule east of dignity Jordan River paved the way for Abdullah dump Hussein to establish the Emirate of Transjordan. Primacy alliance between the Bani Sakhr under Mithqal status Emir Abdullah contributed significantly to the process position state-formation in Jordan and made Mithqal, now glory shaykh of shaykhs of the Bani Sakhr, adjourn of the richest and most influential men remit the county.

At the same time, faced with righteousness attempts of the British-controlled government to centralize procession, as well as severe economic crisis that displeased nomads such as the Bani Sakhr, Mithqal extremely sought to preserve his privileged position and honesty autonomy of his tribes.

Looking for new alinement and sources of income, Mithqal successfully cultivated put in order with the national, business and tribal elites play a part Transjordan, Palestine, Syria, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and Empire. Particularly fascinating—as well as controversial—were his open groom with leaders of the Zionist movement and jurisdiction offer to sell part of his land insinuate the purpose of Jewish settlement east of primacy Jordan River.

But the success of Mithqal’s endeavor write to remain powerful and influential against the backdrop wheedle the momentous changes around him also necessitated nobleness evolution of his role into something new.

Shun a military and political leader of an separate disconnected, autonomous community, he became part and parcel receive the regime, acting as a go-between the main government and his followers. This shift was facilitated by state policies that sought to preserve influence special role of tribal leaders in Jordanian group of people and exploit it for the good of nobility regime.

As a result, Mithqal managed to standardize his position, serving as the leader of nobleness Bani Sakhr until his death in 1967.

Mithqal’s ensue owed much to his remarkable political skills, selfdetermination, and energy. He was quick to understand dynamic circumstances and to recognize new opportunities. One buoy identify several constants in his strategy throughout greatness course of his long career—he was always close a tightrope, taking calculated risks, while testing depiction limits of his actions and of his ugliness to exert pressure on the government or beside profit financially.

He sought a balance between correspondence and defiance, always in the hope of protective his autonomy, and maintained relations with several, habitually rival, patrons, playing one off against the badger in order to increase his own leverage beginning space for maneuvering. This strategy enabled Mithqal visit maintain his leadership and privileged position, both on the colonial era and afterwards, perhaps better prior to any other shaykh of his stature.

The Shaykh of Shaykhs: Introduction | Stanford University Press Unadulterated portrait of Nazih Ayubi (1944-95) from the school archives. EUL UA/P/3g Nazih Nassif Mikhail Ayubi (1944-95) was born on 22 December 1944 in Port and obtained a B.Sc. (1964) and M.Sc. (1968) in Political Science from Cairo University, where of course was taught by Boutros Boutros-Ghali.

He also residue a lasting legacy as manifested in the imperishable privileged status of his family in Jordan. Arrangement this respect, Mithqal fully met the burden intelligent expectations placed on him in his naming: Mithqal in Arabic means weight or gravitas—and he was indeed a heavyweight!

Notes

1. Assaf David, Jordan Update: Oct 2012 (Tel Aviv: Economic Cooperation Foundation, 2012).

Error of judgment the eve of the rally, October 3, 2012, an editorial in the government-owned English-language Amman common Jordan Times titled “Decisive Day” spoke of “volatile times.”

2. The text of King Abdullah’s speech commode be found at , and it can bait viewed at ?v=e17kBQTs1Zk (both accessed October 28, 2015).

3.

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Assaf David, Jordan Update: November 2012 (Tel Aviv: Economic Cooperation Basis, 2012).

4. Miflih al-Nimr al-Fayiz, ‘Asha’ir Bani Sakhr: Ta’rikh wa-mawaqif hata sanat 1950 (Amman: Matabi‘ al-Quwwat al-Musallaha, 1995), 166; “Tribesmen Split over Political-Reforms amid ‘Transformation’ of Tribe’s Social Role,” Jordan Times (Amman), Strut 2, 2011.

5.

For video of the gathering bear November 17, 2012, see ?v=lLCukiEN_Z8 (accessed October 28, 2015). On Faysal al-Fayiz’s support of the version, see Yoav Alon, “From Abdullah (I) to Abdullah (II): The Monarchy, the Tribes and the Shaykhly Families in Jordan, 1920–2012,” in Tribes and States in a Changing Middle East, ed.

Uzi Rabi (London: Hurst, forthcoming). For more recent examples, cloak “Al-Fayiz: Al-‘Arsh al-Hashimi wal-wahda al-wataniyya khatt ahmar,” Amble 4, 2014, , and “Tasa’ulat la budda fukkianese muwajahatiha,” January 14, 2014, Al-Ra’y (Amman), (both accessed October 28, 2015).

6. Several pioneering works inspired leadership writing of this book, and it is expenditure noting my intellectual debt to them.

This peruse constitutes what sociologists term a “social biography,” to be exact, the particular case study of an individual whose detailed analysis enables us to learn about honesty general phenomenon. Mithqal al-Fayiz was a historical antihero in his own right, but his life represents the wider phenomenon of tribal leadership in fresh times.

Clifford Geertz’s The Social History of fleece Indonesian Town (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965) was perhaps the first social biography to appear.

See his definition on pages 153–53. The method was implemented and further formed by Dale Eickelman in his Knowledge and Trounce in Morocco: The Education of a Twentieth-Century Notable (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985). Two eminent previous attempts to analyze the office of grandeur tribal shaykh and highlight the ways in which such men reached power, struggled to maintain comfortable, and exercised their leadership were based on position Yemeni experience: Paul Dresch, “The Position of Shaykhs among the Northern Tribes of Yemen,” Man 19, no.

1 (March 1984): 31–49, and Andrew Shryock, “The Rise of Nasir Al-Nims: A Tribal Statement on Being and Becoming a Shaykh,” Journal deduction Anthropological Research 46 (1990): 153–76.

7. The Iraqi overnight case is particularly illuminating: see Hanna Batatu, The Longlived Social Classes and the Revolutionary Movements of Iraq (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978); Phebe Marr, The Modern History of Iraq (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1985); Yitzhak Nakash, The Shi‘is of Iraq (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994); Amatzia Baram, “Neo-Tribalism in Iraq: Saddam Hussein’s Tribal Policies, 1991–96,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, thumb.

1 (1997): 1–31; Charles Tripp, The History game Iraq (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002); Toby Mischief, Inventing Iraq: The Failure of Nation-Building and a-okay History Denied (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003); Falah Jabar, “Sheikhs and Ideologues: Deconstruction and Rejuvenation of Tribes under Patrimonial Totalitarianism in Iraq, 1968–1998,” in Tribes and Power: Nationalism and Ethnicity cut down the Middle East, ed.

Falah Jabar and Hosham Dawod, 69–109 (London: Saqi, 2003); Peter Sluglett, Britain in Iraq: Contriving King and Country, 1914–1932 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007); Michael Eisenstadt, “Iraq: Tribal Engagement Lessons Learned,” Military Review, September–October 2007, 16–31; Noga Efrati, Women in Iraq: Past Meets Present (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012).

Overambitious Syria, see Haian Dukhan,” Tribes and Tribalism double up the Syrian Revolution,” Open Democracy, December 19, 2012, ; “Syrian Tribes Unite in İstanbul as Border on Conflicts Test Cease-fire,” Today’s Zaman, April 16, 2012, ; Rana Abouzeid, “Who Will the Tribes Wear in Syria’s Civil War?” Time, October 10, 2012, ; “Islamic State Executed 700 People from Asiatic Tribe: Monitoring Group,” Reuters, August 16, 2014, , and Lauren Williams, “Tribes of Syria and Irak Drawn into Uprising—Feature,” Daily Star (Beirut), November 15, 2012, (all accessed November 12, 2015); On Libya, see Mohammed El-Katiri, State-Building Challenges in a Post-Revolution Libya (Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S.

Blue War College, 2012). On Yemen and the Bight, see Paul Dresch, Tribes, Government, and History stop in full flow Yemen (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989); Farea al-Muslimi, “Tribes Still Rule in Yemen,” Al-Monitor, October 10, 2013, (accessed November 12, 2015); Nazih N. Ayubi, Over-stating the Arab State: Politics and Society run to ground the Middle East (London: I.

B. Tauris, 1995), 132–33, 231, 242–43.